Justice Has No Flag: Why War Crimes Are War Crimes — No Matter Who Commits Them

 After my last piece on October 7, someone left a comment that stopped me mid-scroll.

“It takes being a real human to write something like this,” they said. Then they added something I’ve been thinking about ever since:

“Hamas attacking soldiers and taking POWs are not war crimes. All civilian killings are potential war crimes. Targeting civilians and taking civilian hostages is absolutely a war crime. Hamas definitely committed war crimes on Oct. 7.

Israel has been committing war crimes since 1948. That does not justify Hamas committing war crimes.

Which also means that Israel has no justification for committing war crimes after Oct. 7. Those crimes include attacking anyone inside Gaza, as it is Israeli-occupied territory.”

That comment said, in a few tight lines, what whole conferences and TV panels have failed to say: that justice cannot wear a uniform.

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The Law of the Unequal

I have spent the past year watching a strange inversion unfold. The side that speaks of resistance justifies terror. The side that speaks of self-defense rains bombs on a trapped population. Both speak of survival. Both speak of God. Neither speaks of law.

International law, of course, is not perfect. But it is the last fragile thread that holds the idea of shared morality between nations. The Geneva Conventions were not written for perfect times; they were written for war. They remind us that even during horror, the line between soldier and civilian must hold.

When Hamas crossed that line on October 7, the world saw barbarity in motion.
When Israel crossed it again, and again, and again in Gaza, the world looked away.

In Gaza, parents now sleep in shifts. One stays awake to listen for drones, the other curls around the children as if their arms could shield them from steel. Bread lines stretch through bomb dust. Babies drink water mixed with ash because it is all their mothers can find.

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The Mirror of 1948

The commenter was right to bring up 1948. That year, the foundations of the modern Middle East were laid on broken promises and uprooted families. Villages erased. Children made stateless.
What began as displacement became occupation. What began as security became apartheid.

Israel’s long history of impunity doesn’t erase Hamas’s crimes, but it does explain the rage that birthed them. And yet, if we start justifying cruelty through memory, there will never be an end to vengeance.

I think often of what my father used to say when we spoke of wars at the dinner table in Karachi. The radio hummed in the background, the smell of lentils thick in the air. He would pause mid-bite, look at me, and say, “Son, if both sides are right, it means both sides are wrong in some way.” Those words have aged better than most governments.

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The Human Cost That No One Counts

Each time I see footage from Gaza now, it feels like déjà vu layered with disbelief. Hospitals turned to ashes. Whole families gone.
Israel says it is targeting Hamas. But the rubble always hides children.

And yet, even as I write this, some will say that condemning Hamas is betrayal and condemning Israel is antisemitism. That is how far we have drifted from the language of conscience.

The truth is simpler.
Hamas committed war crimes. Israel is committing them still.
No flag makes that right.

 Somewhere in Tel Aviv, a mother still keeps her son’s room ready, waiting for a hostage exchange that may never come. In Rafah, another mother digs with her hands because the excavators have run out of fuel. Two women, same night, same prayer — “Please let my child live.”

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Why the Comment Mattered

What moved me most was not the legal accuracy but the human honesty in that reader’s words. To say both sides are guilty takes courage in a world addicted to sides.

Maybe that’s what being “a real human” means now — refusing to let horror blind us to principle.

In Munich, my daughter told me how her German colleagues now whisper around the topic, afraid to choose the wrong sentence. “No one wants to talk about Gaza,” she said. “It’s like grief itself became dangerous.” I told her silence can be its own kind of war crime too.

We cannot control armies or governments, but we can decide how we speak about them.
And sometimes, that choice — to speak evenly, painfully, without loyalty — is the only act of resistance left.

Who Rules the World When No One Is Wise? The Ethical Vacuum Behind the U.S.–China Rivalry

 It began with that awkward handshake — Trump smiling too wide, Xi standing still. I watched it on my laptop one evening while the ceiling fan in Karachi hummed and the city lights flickered after another power cut.

In Munich, my daughter Fareha texted that they were keeping the heating low again. Baby Salar was asleep in his cot wearing a wool cap, though it was only October. She joked, “Baba, we live like monks with a mortgage.”

The handshake was supposed to calm markets. But what it really showed was a planet run by men who mistake showmanship for wisdom.

Maybe Fareha is right. Maybe we are governed by algorithms, not adults.

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When the Courts End at the Border

Inside countries we still pretend there are limits — laws, courts, the idea of justice. But between nations, no such thing exists. There is no referee, no father to say “enough.”

Trade wars, sanctions, embargoes — they are modern words for the oldest game of domination. A few months ago, I overheard a trader in Bolton Market muttering over shipping rates as if reciting a prayer. His profit depended on how two distant men smiled in Seoul.

That is what global order means now: one leader’s tantrum, another’s patience, and a shopkeeper in Karachi forced to double his prices overnight.

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The Moral Decay of Superpowers

Both Washington and Beijing talk about values. Both really mean leverage.

The United States has turned friendship into an investment — expendable when returns fall. Kissinger once said it was dangerous to be America’s enemy but fatal to be its friend. China, on the other hand, wraps power in the language of national humiliation and revenge. Two empires, two myths, one absence of conscience.

Trump’s tariffs and Xi’s stillness were not opposites; they were reflections in the same mirror. Power without empathy.

My son-in-law in Munich recently learned his firm would cut hours again because components from Shenzhen were delayed. One email from a supplier in Guangdong meant one less grocery trip that month. The empires never notice such arithmetic.

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Chimpanzees With AI

A reader wrote to me, “We are still on chimpanzee level.” I think he’s right. We have built machines that can imitate wisdom but not practice it.

China speaks of the “century of rejuvenation.” America chants about “freedom.” Both confuse destiny with dominance. And the rest of us, the middle nations, translate their ambitions into inflation and anxiety.

When Fareha told me they now measure baby formula by the scoop, it struck me how grand politics becomes intimate pain. That is globalization in 2025 — a sleepless mother counting grams, a father watching the news half a world away.

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The Century of Nobody’s Father

There was once a time when people believed in some moral North — the UN, human rights, a code larger than markets. Now it feels like those ideas have been sold for short-term gain. Institutions talk, missiles fly, currencies tremble.

When no one is wise, the market becomes God. Countries behave like corporations; citizens become data points. Artificial intelligence will only amplify the noise.

We are clever, not kind. Fast, not wise.

And yet, hope lingers in small places. In Salar’s laugh when Fareha video-calls from Munich. In Karachi’s evening breeze after the first rain. Maybe his generation will rebuild what ours has squandered — a sense of restraint, a touch of humility, a moral language larger than GDP.

Until then, we live in the century of nobody’s father.

Faith, Finance, and Silence: How the West Lost Its Moral Voice on Israel

 A reader once commented under one of my articles that money and government are to society what blood and nerves are to the human body. I stopped at that line. It sounded strange, almost poetic, but it carried a truth. Because if power in the West moves like blood and nerves, its pulse is not moral conviction. It is circulation — of money, faith, and memory.

One night in Karachi, the power went out during the news. The screen froze on an image from Gaza: an ambulance light flashing red across a dark road. The generator hadn’t started yet. Outside, the call to prayer floated through the night air. I remember sitting in that half-darkness thinking how silence often feels more deliberate than noise.

The comment had gone on to say that the West no longer has a center — no Rome, no London, no Washington — just a network of banks, media, and diplomacy holding it together. An empire without borders. That phrase stayed with me because it describes the way moral power now functions: diffused, shared, but unaccountable.

And that, perhaps, is why nations that lecture the world about human rights fall quiet when their closest ally silences aid workers.

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The Network Without a Center

The West no longer speaks with a single voice. It speaks through institutions — the IMF, NATO, and the endless committees of Brussels. The old empire used to march. The new one drafts statements. Its weapons are spreadsheets and media frames.

In Karachi, I often listen to foreign news while stuck in traffic. The words — “strategic alignment,” “shared values,” “security architecture” — sound detached from the heat, the horns, and the dust. Power seems to live somewhere else, far from the places that feel its weight.

When Israel blocks aid convoys or cancels NGO licenses, the institutions respond with rehearsed caution. “Both sides must exercise restraint.” It’s a language designed to sound balanced, but it’s balance without conscience.

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Faith as Memory

For much of the West, Israel is not just a political ally. It’s a symbol — of survival, of moral continuity, of guilt carried through generations. Through Christianity, Jewish history became the West’s own mirror. Through the Holocaust, it became a test of conscience.

I still remember walking through Berlin’s Holocaust Memorial with my daughter. The air was heavy, even in daylight. Tourists whispered as if words themselves could wound. That quiet is sacred — and dangerous. Because when guilt turns into identity, questioning becomes taboo.

So Western leaders don’t criticize Israel. They protect their own reflection in it.

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Selective Morality

In Munich, my daughter’s heating bill has gone up again. “We’ll manage,” she said last week, standing by the window with a cup of tea as snow fell outside. Across Europe, families are managing too — cutting groceries, saving on light, watching governments spend billions on wars.

Meanwhile, a nurse in Rafah fans a child whose oxygen tank is running out because her convoy was turned back. Her face doesn’t make the evening news. The presenter speaks carefully, without emotion. Neutral words for a moral crime.

That image took me back to Karachi’s last summer heatwave. I was fanning my grandson during a power cut. It felt like the same helplessness, two worlds apart but joined by human fatigue — and the noise of silence.

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The Mirror That Blinds

Maybe that commenter was right after all. The West’s bloodstream and nervous system have merged into something self-contained, unable to see itself. Money flows where belief allows. Belief justifies where money flows.

Israel stands at the center not because it demanded to be there, but because the West built its myths around it. Now those myths decide what can and cannot be spoken.

Before dawn, as the call to prayer rises from the mosque near my street, I scroll through headlines from Europe and America. Somewhere, an editor chooses which story to mute. Somewhere else, a family cuts the heating again. The world feels connected by wires and indifference.

And still, between Munich’s cold apartments and Gaza’s burning hospitals, ordinary people are left wondering who the real extremists are — the ones who kill, or the ones who keep quiet

Why Fewer International Students Are Choosing America — and Turning to Germany Instead

 AI Generated Report 
The report that the number of international students arriving in the U.S. in August fell by nearly 20% AP News+1 has broad and significant implications—both for U.S. higher-education institutions and for the wider U.S. labour market. I’ll break down the key impacts, then highlight some longer-term risks and opportunities.

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Implications for U.S. Institutions

1. Budgetary strain

   • International students often pay full tuition (or higher tuition) and are not eligible for many U.S. federal financial-aid schemes. AP News+1

   • A drop of ~20% in arrivals suggests fewer tuition-paying students from abroad, meaning revenue-shortfalls for many colleges and universities.

   • Especially acute for institutions that have built budgets assuming a certain intake of international students—programs, staffing, campus housing, research support may be impacted.

   • This in turn might force domestic students to face higher tuition increases, or campuses to cut programs.

2. Enrollment mix and programme viability

   • International students contribute to campus diversity, internationalisation, global networks, and cross-border research links. A big drop reduces that dimension.

   • Some niche programmes (e.g., intensive English, global business, STEM master’s) may suffer if demand from abroad falls.

   • Recruitment strategies may need to shift: institutions might pivot to other countries, intensify recruitment domestically, or develop more flexible online/hybrid offerings.

3. Reputation, competitiveness and talent pipeline

   • The U.S. has long been a premier destination for global talent in higher education; a sharp drop signals potential loss of competitive edge. The Times of India+1

   • Declines may hurt graduate-research programmes, labs that depend on international scholars, and upward progression of innovation ecosystems anchored in universities.

   • Over time, reputational “brand” of U.S. institutions might weaken abroad, which could reduce future cohorts from source countries.

4. Operational ripple-effects

   • Fewer international students means less demand for campus housing, international-student services, cultural/international activities, which may reduce ancillary income (housing, dining, university-run events).

   • Lower living-expenses spending by students (housing, food, local transport) means less economic spill-over into host-communities and university towns.

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Implications for the U.S. Job Market & Broader Economy

1. Talent pipeline for STEM and advanced degrees

   • Many international students pursue STEM, engineering, computer science, data science—areas where U.S. job market has strong demand for highly skilled workers.

   • A drop in inflow of such students may reduce the pool of graduates who stay (via optional practical training, H-1B, etc), thereby tightening talent supply for firms.

   • Companies that rely on high-skilled immigration may see increased competition globally and may consider shifting operations abroad or recruiting elsewhere.

2. Research & innovation ecosystem

   • Universities are hubs of innovation, and international graduate students often contribute significantly to research output, start-ups, patenting, collaborations. A decline may slow research productivity and spin-off creation.

   • This in turn may reduce job creation in knowledge-intensive sectors, especially in local clusters around universities.

3. Local economic impact in university towns

   • As mentioned, international students spend on housing, food, transport, etc. Reductions mean weaker local demand, potential job losses in those service sectors.

   • The effect is especially visible in “college towns” highly dependent on student influx.

4. Wider macro-economic contributions

   • International students contribute to U.S. export of education services. A drop affects the trade-balance aspect of education services.

   • Lower inflows reduce cultural and economic exchange, weakening longer-term links between U.S. firms and global markets (alumni networks, partnerships).

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Longer-Term Risks & Strategic Shifts

• Global share of talent may shift: If students increasingly choose destinations such as United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, then U.S. risks losing its dominant position in global higher education. The Guardian+1

• Source-country diversification may increase: Traditionally large source countries (like India, China, etc) are particularly impacted by the drop. For example, a 45% fall from India was reported. AP News+1

• Shifts in visa & immigration policy matter: Students increasingly consider visa-flexibility, post-study work rights, certainty of entry/exit. If U.S. policies are seen as less friendly or more unpredictable, the drop may become structural, not just cyclical.

• Institutional adaptation: U.S. institutions may respond by:

  • Enhancing online/hybrid programmes to attract remote students.

  • Forming global partnerships / branch campuses abroad.

  • Offering more competitive scholarships/aid to international students to offset drop.

  • Recruiting more aggressively in untapped regions (Africa, Latin America).

• Labour-market compensation: If fewer international students convert to the labour force, sectors may respond by raising domestic wages, automating more, or lowering expansion plans due to talent constraints.

• Domestic student implications: Budget shortfalls caused by fewer international students may mean fewer resources for all students (domestic and international). Some universities may raise domestic tuition, reduce services, or postpone capital projects.

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Contextual Factors & Caveats

• The ~20% drop is for arrivals in August (which is the critical “new academic year” month) — and may reflect delayed/blocked visas, travel-issues, policy concerns rather than longer-term enrolment decline. AP News+1

• It’s possible some of the drop is “front-loaded” (i.e., delayed arrival) rather than full non-enrolment; so institutions may not feel the full effect immediately.

• The magnitude of impact will vary greatly by institution type: research-intensive universities with large global reputations may be less affected; smaller tuition-dependent colleges more so.

• Broader economic and geopolitical factors (e.g., currency changes, global competition, student preferences) also play a role.

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Implications for Countries like Pakistan / Students from South Asia

While your perspective in Karachi gives a vantage point, note:

• If U.S. becomes less attractive, students from Pakistan and South Asia may shift to other destinations — meaning both opportunity (lower competition) and risk (less U.S. brand prestige).

• Universities in the U.S. might raise inducements (scholarships, partner programmes) to attract South Asian students, which could improve access.

• But Pakistan-based students must weigh Visa/immigration risk more heavily: the decline suggests rising caution and higher uncertainty for those choosing U.S. study.

• For Pakistan’s higher-ed aspirations, this might push more students to regional destinations (Australia, Malaysia, UAE) etc — affecting remittances, brain-drain patterns, and longer-term diaspora networks.

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Bottom Line

The nearly-20% drop in international student arrivals is a warning sign for U.S. higher education and the associated job and innovation ecosystems. It suggests that the U.S. is losing some attractiveness as a destination, that institutional finances and talent pipelines may be weaker, and that broader economic consequences are likely. If unaddressed, this could erode America’s higher-ed leadership and intangible advantages in global talent.

For U.S. institutions: the time is now to adapt — diversify recruitment, hedge visa risk, rethink business models. For the U.S. labour market: there may be increased scarcity of highly-skilled international graduates, which raises costs and potentially slows growth in high-skill sectors.

Key Donor Countries Supporting Ukraine (as of 2025)

Several countries have led in providing financial and military aid to Ukraine since 2022. The United States is the single largest contributor (about €114.6 billion committed by mid-2025). European allies collectively have also given substantial support – notably EU institutions (€21.3 billion) and the United Kingdom (€13.6 billion) despite constitutional limits on military support. France has likewise been a key donor (several billion euros in military equipment, financial loans and humanitarian aid) in support of Ukraine. Below we summarize each of these countries’ current economic conditions in 2025, using key indicators and recent analyses.

United States 🇺🇸

GDP Growth: The U.S. economy has shown moderate growth. Real GDP is projected to rise about 2.0% in 2025, after a period of strong post-pandemic performance. The IMF notes that the U.S. “has turned in a strong performance” with activity and employment exceeding pre-pandemic trends.

Inflation: After peaking in 2022, inflation in the U.S. has decelerated. Consumer price inflation was 2.7% (year-on-year) by April 2024 and is expected to return to ~2% by mid-2025. This ongoing disinflation has come with relatively little drag on growth, aided by the Federal Reserve’s aggressive rate hikes restoring price stability.

Unemployment: The labor market remains very robust. Unemployment is hovering near multi-decade lows (around 3.5–4%), with over 16 million jobs added since 2020. Notably, the disinflation occurred “without a significant increase in unemployment,” indicating a resilient job market.

Public Debt: The U.S. fiscal situation is stretched. Pandemic spending and other outlays have pushed the general government debt to high levels – it is projected to remain well above pre-2020 levels, on track to exceed 140% of GDP by the early 2030s under current policies. The IMF warns that persistent deficits (on the order of 5–6% of GDP) and rising debt pose risks, calling for fiscal consolidation to ensure sustainability. Interest costs are also climbing as rates rise, adding pressure to the federal budget.

Notable Trends: U.S. monetary policy remains tight but may ease if inflation firmly returns to target. The Federal Reserve raised rates by 5.25 percentage points in 2022–23, which helped anchor inflation expectations. In 2025, with inflation near target, attention is turning to when the Fed might cut rates. Meanwhile, the economy’s resilience – supported by strong household balance sheets and rising labor supply – has surprised observers. The IMF emphasizes, however, the need to address fiscal imbalances and medium-term risks (e.g. high debt and financial vulnerabilities) to maintain stability.

United Kingdom 🇬🇧

GDP Growth: The UK economy is experiencing a modest recovery. Growth slowed sharply in 2023 (~0.4%) but is projected at about 1.2–1.3% in 2025 as conditions improve. The IMF notes this would make the UK one of the faster-growing G7 economies in 2025 (second only to the U.S.). Business investment has started to pick up, helping the UK rebound in early 2025.

Inflation: The UK faced high inflation in 2022–2023, but it is now on a downward trajectory. Consumer price inflation is forecast to average ~3.4% in 2025 – the highest in the G7, reflecting still-elevated core prices and some one-off energy price effects. This is an upward revision from earlier forecasts, but inflation is expected to fall back to the 2% target by late 2026 as temporary factors fade. The Bank of England began easing interest rates in late 2024 (Bank Rate down to 4% by Oct 2025, from a peak 5.25%) and is advised to be “very cautious” with further rate cuts until price pressures are clearly contained.

Unemployment: The UK labor market, while tight in recent years, has started to soften slightly. Unemployment has risen to around 4.3–4.5% in 2024–2025 (the highest in ~4 years). Wage growth had been very strong, but is now moderating as the job market loosens. Even so, the jobless rate remains historically low and labor force participation is improving. The IMF expects only a gradual uptick in unemployment, with the rate stabilizing around 4½% through 2025.

Public Debt: UK public finances are under pressure from both high debt and ongoing deficits. Net public liabilities are about 83% of GDP in 2024 and projected to peak ~84% in 2025 before stabilizing. (By another measure, gross public debt recently breached 100% of GDP for the first time in decades.) The government’s medium-term fiscal plan aims to reduce the budget deficit (about 4–5% of GDP) gradually to put debt on a sustainable path. The IMF has assessed the UK’s latest budget as striking a balance between supporting growth and ensuring sustainability, but stressed that delivering on planned deficit reduction over the next five years is crucial. Rising debt servicing costs are a concern, given higher interest rates.

Notable Trends: After the dual shocks of Brexit and the pandemic, the UK economy has been weighed down by weak productivity and investment, but there are signs of improvement. Business confidence had been dampened by uncertainty (including new U.S. trade tariffs in 2025), yet the IMF noted that the UK’s growth outperformance (relative to European peers) suggests it is “doing something right”. Policymakers are focusing on structural reforms – the government’s “Growth Mission” agenda – to lift productivity, ranging from planning and infrastructure to skills and innovation. The Bank of England, for its part, is navigating a delicate path: it has begun gradual monetary easing to support the recovery, while emphasizing flexibility to tighten again if inflation surprises to the upside. Overall, the UK in 2025 is in a phase of fragile recovery, with inflation coming down and growth picking up modestly, but with risks (global trade tensions, energy prices, etc.) still tilted to the downside.

Germany 🇩🇪

GDP Growth: Germany’s economy has essentially stalled. After suffering a mild recession/decline in late 2022 and 2023, Germany is seeing only near-zero growth in 2024–2025. Forecasts for 2025 range from about 0.0% to +0.3% GDP growth – essentially flat output. Major German economic institutes (Autumn 2025) project only +0.2% growth in 2025, following two consecutive years of contraction. In short, Germany has gone from EU’s traditional growth engine to its G7 laggard in terms of growth.

Inflation: Germany’s inflation spiked in 2022 (due to the energy crisis after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine) but has fallen substantially. Headline HICP inflation is forecast ~2.1–2.4% in 2025, near the European Central Bank’s target. In mid-2025, price growth actually dipped to the low 2% range (2.4% y/y in Sep 2025, the highest in six months) after temporarily even lower readings. Core inflation (excluding food and energy) remains around 2.7–2.8%, indicating underlying pressure, but is expected to ease. Overall, the disinflationary trend is well in train – a stark change from the >8% inflation rates seen in 2022. By 2025, energy prices are lower and earlier VAT tax effects have faded, helping bring German inflation back toward stability.

Unemployment: Germany’s labor market is relatively tight but starting to show strains from the weak economy. The general unemployment rate is about 5–6% in 2025 (depending on the measure). The national unemployment figure (which includes part-time jobseekers) was 6.3% in Aug 2025, slightly improved from earlier in the year. However, according to Eurostat’s harmonized definition, Germany’s unemployment is lower (around 3.7% mid-2025) – one of the lowest in the EU. In any case, labor shortages remain a structural issue: Germany faces an aging workforce and a shortage of skilled workers, which paradoxically keeps unemployment low even as growth falters. Employment hit a record 45.8 million in 2025, and companies report difficulty filling jobs in some sectors. This supply-side constraint, along with high wage costs, is cited as a factor dragging on Germany’s potential growth.

Public Debt: Germany’s public finances deteriorated after 2020 due to pandemic relief, energy subsidies, and new investments, but Germany still has one of the lowest debt burdens among major economies in Europe. Public debt stood at about €2.52 trillion in early 2025, which is well below the EU average as a share of GDP. This equates to roughly 66–70% of GDP (Germany’s debt ratio, while rising, remains significantly under the Eurozone average of ~82%). By comparison, France and Italy each have debt above 110% of GDP, underscoring Germany’s relatively stronger fiscal position. Nonetheless, Germany has breached its debt brake in recent years to fund special programs: a €100 billion defense fund and a €200 billion “economic stability fund” for energy price relief. As a result, debt has inched up from ~60% pre-pandemic. The deficit is running above the EU’s 3% limit (Germany is loosening fiscal policy to stimulate growth), but plans are in place to return to stricter budget discipline after 2025.

Notable Economic Pressures: Germany is grappling with multiple headwinds. High energy costs (after cutting off Russian gas) and rising unit labor costs have hurt its industrial competitiveness. Exports – long the engine of German growth – are sluggish due to weaker global demand (especially from China) and trade uncertainties (including new U.S. tariffs in 2025). Indeed, German exports were falling by ~0.5% month-on-month in mid-2025. Business confidence is low: the Ifo Business Climate Index fell to 87.7 in Sep 2025, reflecting pessimism among German firms. In response, the government is deploying stimulus – e.g. a €500 billion infrastructure fund (over 12 years) for transport, digitalization, and climate projects, and another €500 billion in military investments over 5 years. These are meant to modernize the economy and bolster defense (partly in response to the Ukraine war). While such spending should boost demand, economists warn of structural challenges: an aging population, slow permitting processes, and eroding innovation capacity are restraining growth. In summary, Germany in 2025 is in a period of virtual stagnation, with tamed inflation but persistent economic malaise, prompting calls for reforms to regain competitiveness.

Japan 🇯🇵

GDP Growth: Japan’s economy is seeing a temporary uptick in growth. After near-zero growth in 2024 (only ~0.1% by IMF estimates), output is projected to expand about 1.1–1.2% in 2025. This improvement is supported by a pickup in private demand – notably rising real wages and solid business investment. Indeed, Japan’s GDP grew at an annualized 2.2% in Q2 2025 (quarter-on-quarter) as businesses front-loaded exports and capital spending ahead of new U.S. tariffs. Growth is expected to moderate again beyond 2025 (IMF projects only ~0.6% in 2026) as one-off boosts fade. Japan’s longer-run potential growth is low (~0.5%) due to its aging population, but 2025 stands out as a year of above-trend growth.

Inflation: After decades of deflation and ultra-low inflation, Japan is now in a regime of modestly positive inflation. Headline CPI has exceeded the Bank of Japan’s 2% target for over three years. In 2023–24, inflation ran in the 3–4% range – very high by Japanese standards. For 2025, headline inflation around 3.3% is projected, gradually converging down to ~2% by late 2025. The BOJ expects inflation to fall back to target as import price pressures (energy, food) abate. However, core inflation remains sticky above 2%, and wages are finally rising at a faster pace – a positive sign for domestic demand. Notably, Japan has likely achieved a regime change after “three decades of near-zero inflation,” according to the IMF, meaning the economy may sustain the 2% inflation goal going forward. This has allowed the BOJ to start exiting its ultra-loose policy. In March 2024, the BOJ ended its negative rate and yield-curve-control policies; by January 2025 it raised its policy rate to 0.5% (the first hike in years). The IMF expects only gradual further rate hikes over the medium term (perhaps towards ~1.5%) so as not to derail growth.

Unemployment: Japan enjoys one of the lowest unemployment rates in the world. The jobless rate has been fluctuating around 2.5–2.7% in 2024–25. In mid-2025 it ticked up slightly (2.6% in Aug 2025, a 1-year high) but remains extremely low by international standards. The OECD confirms Japan’s unemployment is among the lowest in the OECD, under 3%. An aging, shrinking labor force contributes to tight conditions; many firms report labor shortages. Employment is at record levels and the participation of women and seniors has risen. This ultra-low unemployment, coupled with recent wage hikes (due to inflation pressure and labor scarcity), is finally boosting household incomes – supporting consumer spending in 2025.

Public Debt: Japan’s public debt is the highest among advanced economies. Decades of deficit spending and stimulus have accumulated a debt-to-GDP ratio around 234% (gross debt) as of March 2025. In nominal terms, Japan’s government debt exceeds ¥1.3 quadrillion (approximately $10 trillion). The debt ratio did decline slightly from its pandemic peak (due to nominal GDP growth and some fiscal consolidation), but it remains astronomical – roughly double that of the U.S. and far above EU levels. The IMF and ratings agencies have long warned that Japan’s debt trajectory is unsustainable absent reform. However, several mitigating factors exist: over 88% of Japanese government debt is held domestically (with the Bank of Japan alone holding ~46%), which has kept borrowing costs very low. Even as the BOJ tightens, interest rates are only ~0.5%, so debt servicing has been manageable. The fiscal deficit in 2024 was about 2.5% of GDP and is rising again slightly – Japan has delayed tough fiscal adjustments. The IMF urges Tokyo to rebuild fiscal buffers and craft a credible consolidation plan (e.g. gradual tax hikes or spending cuts) to stabilize debt over the medium term. The government has signaled intent to raise defense and social spending in coming years, which heightens the need for offsetting revenues (such as the planned 2024–25 tourist tax and possibly future consumption tax hikes).

Notable Trends: Japan’s economy in 2025 is at an inflection point: it appears to have broken out of deflation, and wage/price dynamics are more normal, yet growth is still constrained by structural issues. The positive news is real wages are rising for the first time in years, which should spur consumption. Corporate profits are high, and businesses are investing (including in automation and AI) to cope with labor shortages. On the external front, Japan has navigated trade disruptions by securing a deal with the U.S. in 2025 to avoid harsh tariffs (in exchange for Japanese investments in the U.S.). Nevertheless, export growth is weakening as global demand softens – new export orders fell in mid-2025, reflecting U.S.–China trade tensions impacting Japan’s manufacturers. The BOJ faces the challenge of normalizing monetary policy without choking off the expansion – it has committed to remain data-dependent and “move very gradually” on rate hikes given uncertainties about the neutral rate and inflation expectations. Another long-term challenge is demographics: Japan’s population continues to age and shrink, weighing on labor force and fiscal health (pension and healthcare costs). The government is pursuing structural reforms (labor market reforms to boost female and elderly employment, digitalization, green investment) to raise the anemic potential growth rate. In summary, Japan in 2025 enjoys modest growth with moderate inflation – a welcome change from the deflationary past – but it faces considerable fiscal and demographic headwinds.

France 🇫🇷

GDP Growth: France’s economy has slowed to a crawl. After growing 2.5% in 2022, growth cooled to ~1% in 2023 and is forecast to further slow to only about 0.6–0.7% in 2025. The IMF recently cut its 2025 France GDP forecast to just 0.6%, citing an economic slowdown and the drag from global trade tensions. France’s national statistics institute (INSEE) similarly predicts under 0.7% growth for 2025. In essence, stagnation looms – domestic demand is softening and export growth is lackluster. High interest rates and waning post-Covid rebound effects are weighing on activity. The only silver lining is that France might avoid outright recession – supported by government spending and resilient services – but the outlook is for weak, below-trend growth in the near term.

Inflation: France is seeing a much sharper drop in inflation than many peers, thanks in part to government price controls. Headline inflation, which averaged ~5.9% in 2022, is projected to fall below 1% in 2025. The European Commission forecasts French inflation at under 1% next year – one of the lowest in Europe. The IMF likewise sees France’s CPI averaging about 1.1–1.2% in 2025, a dramatic improvement as energy prices drop and base effects from 2024’s energy subsidies kick in. Indeed, France’s government capped gas and electricity prices during the energy crisis, which kept inflation lower than in neighboring countries; now, as those caps are eased, the remaining inflation is mostly core. Core inflation is around 3% in late 2024 but should decline in 2025 alongside slowing wage growth. By end-2025, France could have inflation back at ~2% or even below, barring new shocks. Deflation is not expected, but the ultra-low price growth will be monitored. For now, the disinflationary process is well advanced in France.

Unemployment: France’s labor market had shown improvement prior to the slowdown, with unemployment hitting ~7.1% in 2022 – the lowest in decades. However, as growth falters, joblessness is creeping up slightly. The unemployment rate is projected around 7.3–7.5% in 2025, rising modestly from ~7% in 2023. The European Commission expects it to reach 7.5% by 2025. Still, this is far below historical highs (France had double-digit unemployment for much of the 1990s and early 2010s). Labor reforms in recent years (to make hiring/firing more flexible) and strong job creation in 2021–22 helped bring unemployment down. The workforce participation rate has also increased. But with output barely growing, firms are likely to slow hiring – we are seeing a slight uptick in unemployment now. Youth unemployment remains a chronic issue (around 18%). The government hopes that investments in skills and apprentice programs will prevent a larger unemployment spike. Overall, France’s jobless rate around 7–8% remains higher than many peers (e.g. Germany or UK), reflecting structural challenges in its labor market, even as it is much improved from past levels.

Public Debt: France’s public debt is elevated and rising, which is a growing concern for policymakers. In 2023, France’s government debt was about 111% of GDP, and it has climbed to roughly 114% of GDP in 2025. In nominal terms, debt has topped €3.3 trillion. The debt ratio jumped during the pandemic (from ~98% in 2019 to ~115% by 2020) and has not materially come down. Despite a strong economic rebound in 2021, France did not reduce debt – instead, it has run large deficits to cushion energy prices and fund pandemic recovery. The budget deficit is estimated at about 5.6–5.8% of GDP in 2025, well above the EU’s 3% limit. France’s independent fiscal watchdogs warn that without adjustment, debt could hit 120% of GDP by decade’s end. The government under President Macron has announced plans to cut spending growth and aim for a deficit near 3% by 2027, but these plans face political resistance. In 2023, Macron’s administration enacted a controversial pension reform – raising the retirement age from 62 to 64 – to improve long-run finances (France’s pension system was running deficits). This sparked mass protest

Sinwar, Trauma, and the Lessons the Middle East Refuses to Learn

 

It began with a reader’s question that lingered longer than the post itself.

“Did those perpetrators grow up with an oppression myth?” he asked.

I had written about Yahya Sinwar, often called the butcher of Khan Yunis by his critics, trying to understand what shapes such a mind. The reader reminded me that suffering does not always create monsters. Sometimes it builds moral memory.

Jews remember the ghettos, the camps, and the silence of the world. Yet they do not blow up buses in Munich. They built museums instead of militias. The pain of extermination was turned into vigilance and remembrance, not revenge.

In much of the Muslim world, the opposite happened. Our stories of loss were not healed; they were inherited as anger. The rhetoric of humiliation became the air our children breathed. The “oppression myth,” once rooted in truth, hardened into ideology. It became a tool for leaders who found power in grievance.

Sinwar is only one symptom. Behind him stands a generation raised on the memory of occupation but not on reflection. The same trauma that once demanded liberation now sustains the logic of endless war.

Maybe that is what separates memory from myth: one seeks to preserve the dead, the other to avenge them.
Still, I do not believe pain must always end in blood. Perhaps the real question is not why the Jews remember differently, but why we keep teaching ourselves to forget in the same way.

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The Myth of Oppression

Every nation builds its stories around loss. Some turn those stories into maps for survival, others into trenches.
In our part of the world, “oppression” became a permanent identity. From classrooms to Friday sermons, the message stayed the same: We are victims of the West, of Israel, of history itself. It was not always untrue, but it became too useful to question.

The rulers found comfort in it. The preachers found power in it. The people found meaning in it.
And over time, the story grew louder than the truth.
Real grievances—poverty, corruption, the failure of education—were hidden beneath the grand idea of a besieged ummah.

You can see the result in the eyes of young men who grow up believing they are born to avenge the world.
That’s not faith. That’s indoctrination.
And it kills both the body and the spirit of a society.

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Memory Without Murder

The reader who commented on my piece reminded me of something simple: remembrance can be sacred without becoming violent.
The Jewish people never forgot what was done to them. They built their memory into museums, universities, and archives. They taught their children to speak, not explode.

That doesn’t make them saints, but it shows a difference in what trauma can become. Memory, when faced honestly, can teach humility.
In contrast, we in the Muslim world often hide our trauma behind pride. We mistake rage for dignity.

Look at how the word resistance has been emptied of meaning. Once it meant the right to exist; now it means the right to destroy.
Our heroes are men with rifles, not reformers with pens.
Our martyrs are those who die killing, not those who die creating.

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Sinwar’s Shadow

Yahya Sinwar embodies that broken inheritance.
He calls himself a liberator, yet the people under his rule whisper another name: “the butcher of Khan Yunis.”
His power feeds on perpetual siege. Every rocket he fires strengthens the narrative that Gaza can only live through death.

But the deeper tragedy is not Sinwar himself; it’s the silence that allows him.
The world looks at Gaza and sees a victim. Gazans look inward and see a cage built by two hands—Israel’s and their own.
No one wins in this geometry of grief.

Sinwar’s story could have been different. He spent years in Israeli prisons, learned Hebrew, studied his enemy. He could have used that knowledge to imagine coexistence. Instead, he turned it into a manual for vengeance.

Perhaps he believes he’s making history.
Perhaps he knows he’s only repeating it.

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The Choice of Memory

We can’t choose what happened to us, but we can choose what we do with it.
Jewish survival, Rwandan reconciliation, South African truth commissions—these are proof that even the worst pain can be reshaped.

In the Muslim world, that work has barely begun.
We remember our martyrs but not our mistakes. We build monuments to conquest, not compassion.

If memory is power, then we’ve spent ours poorly.
Maybe it’s time to reclaim it—to remember without hating, to mourn without teaching revenge.

Until then, men like Sinwar will keep rising from the ruins, and the myth will keep devouring the truth.

We Were Freed, Not Healed

 

The Empire drew our borders. We are still bleeding along them.

I grew up hearing stories about a man I met only as a baby. My grandfather lived in India. He never came to Pakistan. My father never got a visa to see him. They wrote letters that took weeks to cross the border, each one folded around more longing than words could hold.

When I was born, my grandfather came for a short visit. For ten months he played with me, held me, called me by a name I don’t remember. My mother says he cried when the train began to move, his hand still waving through the smoke as we left. I was a baby in my mother’s arms, too young to understand what separation meant. He was an old man who had already lived through Partition. Maybe he knew the border had taken something from him he would never get back.

The Loot That Built Empires

History books turn theft into trade. For two centuries, colonial powers drained our land, our labor, our strength. They took gold, cotton, and wheat. They called it progress. Even the railways they boast about were built to move our resources to their ships faster.

The British said they were modernizing India. The French said they were civilizing Africa. But it was always the same story — control dressed up as charity. And when they finally left, they made sure we would never stand united again.

The Art of Division

Partition was not a border. It was a wound. They cut through villages, families, and prayers. They drew lines on maps that sliced through hearts.

My grandfather stayed behind. My father crossed over. They never met again. Millions shared the same fate. The trains that once carried goods now carried fear and corpses.

And this wasn’t only our tragedy. In the Middle East, after the Sykes–Picot Agreement, Britain and France did the same. They created Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine — borders that suited their convenience, not the people’s reality. The result is still burning today.

Living in the Aftermath

Sometimes I think we never left the empire. It just changed its shape. You can see it in the wars that never end, in the economies still built for others’ benefit, in the way old divisions are stirred whenever new powers need control.

Even here in Karachi, the port cranes rise like steel monuments to a past that won’t let go. The direction of trade has changed, but the imbalance feels the same. We export sweat and import dreams.

Colonialism was not just about ruling land. It was about rewriting minds. Teaching us who to fear and who to obey. And that lesson, passed down quietly, still whispers inside us.

A Line That Never Healed

My grandfather died in India. My father died in Pakistan. Two graves, two countries, one story interrupted by history. Every August, when the flags go up, I feel both pride and something else — a sadness I can’t quite name.

Freedom gave us passports, not peace. We still live along the line they drew, still arguing over the inheritance of pain.

Maybe someday we’ll stop guarding the border like a wound and start healing it like a scar. Maybe that’s when freedom will mean more than survival.

Stop Trying to Be an AI Expert. Be Its Translator.

Every office I know is chasing the same thing — the next trick to “master” AI. Better prompts, smarter phrasing, secret hacks. There’s a quiet race happening in every corner of the corporate world: who can talk to ChatGPT or Claude or Gemini like a wizard.

But here’s the truth. Most of what people are learning today about “prompt engineering” will be useless next year. The interfaces are getting simpler, not harder. The machines are learning to understand us. It’s the humans who need to learn to understand them.

The Skill We’re Missing

We don’t need more AI users. We need AI translators.

People who can take an AI’s polished paragraph or confusing summary and explain it clearly, in plain human language, to a client, a manager, or a team that doesn’t live on prompt-crafting Reddit.

Every office now has a few people who can “get the AI to write an email” or “summarize a report.” But when that summary is vague, biased, or half-wrong, who notices? Who explains that to the boss? That’s the translator’s job.

The translator reads what AI gives back, checks its sense against reality, and rewrites it so others don’t get misled.

Why “Prompt Engineering” Won’t Last

AI tools are like early smartphones. At first, everyone bragged about the hidden gestures — swipe three fingers this way, pinch that way. Then interfaces matured. Today, no one needs a manual to use an iPhone.

Prompt engineering is heading the same way. Soon you’ll just type normally, or speak, or upload a document, and the AI will adapt. The technical skill will fade. What will matter is judgment — your ability to interpret, correct, and contextualize what comes back.

What Offices Should Train Instead

Companies should stop running “How to Use ChatGPT” workshops and start running “How to Read AI Outputs” sessions.

Because when an AI writes a paragraph, it doesn’t know. It predicts. It gives you words that sound true. Without someone who can detect the gap between sounding right and being right, mistakes slip into reports, emails, and even policy drafts.

So if you want to future-proof your role, don’t chase the next prompt formula. Learn to:

Check facts the AI confidently invents.

Simplify the language it overcomplicates.

Detect when it’s echoing bias.

Translate its tone into your team’s reality.

The Real Future of AI at Work

The AI translator is not a coder or a data scientist. They’re a communicator — the bridge between algorithm and audience. In every meeting, they’ll be the one people trust to say, “This is what the AI means, and here’s what it got wrong.”

Those who learn to explain the machine will outlast those who only know how to prompt it.

Because technology keeps evolving. Clarity doesn’t.

No, Elon Musk Is Not the Dajjāl

No, Elon Musk Is Not the Dajjāl

Why these rumours spread — and what the hadiths really say

In WhatsApp groups and late-night YouTube sermons, a story is making the rounds. Elon Musk, the tech billionaire who wants to colonize Mars, is being called Al-Masīh ad-Dajjāl — the False Messiah foretold in Islamic tradition. Screenshots of hadiths, shaky translations, and edited clips of Musk talking about brain chips or humanoid robots are offered as “proof.”

But step back for a moment. Are these claims rooted in any sahīh (authentic) hadith? Or are we watching another example of how fear, technology, and religion collide in the digital age?

What the authentic hadiths actually say

The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) described Dajjāl in several rigorously authenticated narrations:

He will be a human man, blind in one eye, with the word kāfir written between his eyes.

He will emerge from the East, between Syria and Iraq.

His era will last forty days — one like a year, one like a month, one like a week, and the rest like normal days.

He will perform false miracles: bringing rain, reviving the dead, commanding the earth to yield crops.

He will claim divinity, demanding worship.

He will be killed by Prophet ʿĪsā (Jesus) near Lod (modern-day Lydda in Palestine).

These narrations appear in Sahih al-Bukhari, Sahih Muslim, Sunan Abu Dawood, and Jamiʿ at-Tirmidhi. Hadith scholars across centuries — from Imam an-Nawawi to Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani — agreed that the Dajjāl is a real future person, not a metaphor, and that his appearance will be accompanied by unmistakable, supernatural events.

None of the hadiths mention an inventor, an engineer, or a billionaire with a rocket company.

Why Musk fits the myth in people’s minds

Still, it’s easy to see why the comparison sticks.

Musk builds self-driving cars, launches rockets, wants to implant chips in the brain, and speaks of merging humans with AI. To a generation raised on apocalyptic imagery, that sounds frighteningly close to “controlling minds” and “commanding creation.”

Add to that the unease in Muslim societies about surveillance, automation, and digital control — and suddenly, Musk becomes the face of a prophecy.

But similarity is not evidence. The hadiths don’t predict “who” the Dajjāl is by profession or nationality. They warn us of a fitnah (trial) of deception — one that confuses truth and falsehood, faith and technology, miracles and illusion.

The danger of naming names

Islamic scholars, classical and modern, have warned repeatedly against identifying living individuals as Dajjāl. Shaykh Ibn Baz called it “a baseless claim.” Mufti Taqi Usmani described such attributions as “reckless and religiously unsound.”

Every century has had its rumours: Napoleon, Hitler, the British Empire, television, the Internet, even the COVID vaccine — all have been labelled Dajjāl by someone. The pattern is psychological: whenever human power grows beyond comprehension, believers project it onto an ancient warning.

But that isn’t scholarship. It’s anxiety dressed as theology.

What the hadiths actually want from us

The Prophet (pbuh) didn’t tell us to hunt for the Dajjāl in Silicon Valley.

He told us to seek refuge from his trial in every prayer.

He told us to memorize the first ten verses of Surah al-Kahf.

He told us to stay firm in faith when confronted by illusions that feel like truth.

Those instructions are timeless. Whether the deception comes through false miracles or through algorithmic persuasion, the principle is the same: protect your conscience, not your conspiracy folder.

The real test of our times

Maybe Musk’s story is not about prophecy at all. Maybe it’s about power — about how quickly technology outpaces morality. When machines start predicting our choices, people look for spiritual explanations. “It must be Dajjāl.”

But the true lesson of those hadiths is humility. The Dajjāl will fool billions because they crave wonder without wisdom. They will believe in anyone who gives them control over the world.

If anything, that prophecy speaks to us — the users, the believers, the scrollers — more than to the billionaire building rockets.

In short:

Elon Musk is not the Dajjāl.

But the fear that makes people think he might be?

That’s the real warning.

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📎 Sources:

Sahih al-Bukhari, Book 88 (Fitan), 1881–1882

Sahih Muslim, Book 54, 2937–2948

Sunan Abu Dawood, 4311–4319

Sharh an-Nawawi ʿala Sahih Muslim

Islam Q&A 82643; Yasir Qadhi, The Dajjal in Light of Authentic Hadiths (2017)

Germany’s Invisible Riders: How Delivery Apps Exploit the Immigrant Workforce Behind the Wheels

 

As Lieferando and Uber Eats turn to subcontracted fleets, immigrant couriers face layoffs, legal gray zones, and the quiet erosion of worker rights in Europe’s “fair labor” capital.

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Outside Berlin’s Ostbahnhof, the air smells of drizzle and exhaust. Dozens of riders stand together, their orange and green backpacks lined like small flags of defiance. Someone plays music on a phone. Another rider holds up a cardboard sign that reads, We are not machines.

They are protesting layoffs. But that word feels too small. What they are really fighting is a new system that has quietly rewritten what a job means in Germany’s gig economy.

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The hidden switch

For years, delivery apps such as Lieferando, Uber Eats, and Flink hired riders directly. Contracts were simple: the platform was the employer. Riders received pay slips, social insurance, and a little security.

That changed when the companies began using “fleets”—small subcontractor firms that take over the hiring. On paper, the riders now work for these fleets, not for the apps that direct their routes or control their hours through algorithms.

Labor lawyers call this a legal gray zone. It lets delivery giants dodge the country’s strict labor laws while claiming they still support “flexibility.”

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A loophole in plain sight

In theory, fleets handle everything: contracts, insurance, wages. In practice, many exist only on paper. When a fleet loses its contract with a platform, hundreds of riders lose their jobs overnight. No notice. No severance.

“We came here legally, we pay taxes,” says Ahmed, a 27-year-old from Pakistan who has been delivering food for two years. “But when the company changes the contract, we lose everything — the job, the visa, the dignity.”

Under Germany’s immigration rules, many workers’ residency permits are tied to their employment. Lose the job and you risk losing the right to stay. It’s a quiet pressure that keeps riders from speaking too loudly.

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The silence of fairness

Germany likes to see itself as the model of fair labor. Collective bargaining, works councils, predictable rules. Yet at the street level, the gig economy has built a parallel world.

The FAU Berlin union and Verdi have filed complaints calling fleet systems “outsourced exploitation.” Labor lawyer Dr. Anja Huth told taz newspaper that subcontracting “creates a shadow workforce beyond the reach of collective agreements.”

When asked, a Lieferando spokesperson said the company “works only with certified partners who meet all legal standards.” Uber Eats used similar language: “We collaborate with independent fleets that provide flexible opportunities.”

Flexibility for whom, though? The riders waiting in the cold say it feels more like a trap than a choice.

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⚠️ Human angle here

A few blocks from Alexanderplatz, I spoke with a rider named Rafiq. He had come from Bangladesh three years ago and sends most of his earnings home. His bicycle brakes squeal, his jacket is torn at the shoulder, and he jokes that Berlin weather “tests the soul.” He says the fleets pay late. Sometimes they forget the tips that the app shows customers have given. He shrugs, saying softly, “What can I do? My visa depends on them.”

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Between app and asphalt

Germany’s food-delivery boom started during the pandemic. Demand soared, profits climbed, and the number of riders doubled. But as orders slowed, companies searched for cheaper ways to keep wheels turning. The fleet model was the answer.

For riders, it meant fewer direct protections and more uncertainty. For companies, it meant fewer lawsuits and lower taxes. For customers, it meant food still arriving hot at the door — the human cost hidden behind a QR code.

Still, protests are growing. In Hamburg, riders staged a slow-ride through the city center, blocking traffic for ten minutes at a time. In Munich, they leafleted customers, explaining how each order passes through three hands before reaching the courier.

“The delivery comes from us,” one flyer read, “but the respect should too.”

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Cracks in the model

Politicians are beginning to notice. The German Labour Ministry has hinted at new regulations that could make platforms jointly responsible for subcontracted workers. The European Union’s Platform Work Directive, still under debate, could force transparency on how apps classify and pay riders.

Even then, enforcement will be hard. Fleets disappear and reappear under new names. Riders move cities, change phones, lose proof of employment. The system counts on their invisibility.

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Reflection

Watching the protest disperse, I kept thinking of Germany’s reputation for fairness. How rules and rights are supposed to protect everyone. Yet here, the country’s most visible workers — the ones who light up the city’s nights with neon bags — are treated as if they belong nowhere.

Maybe this is the real cost of convenience: the delivery that arrives on time because someone else’s rights didn’t.

Was the European Parliament Infiltrated by Russian Agents?

The question sounds like a Cold War echo, yet it refuses to fade. Over the past year, quiet investigations inside Brussels have revived an old anxiety: how far has Russia’s intelligence network reached into European politics?

It began as whispers. An aide linked to a Member of the European Parliament was said to be passing sensitive political documents to intermediaries connected with Moscow. No formal charges yet, but enough for committees to pause, to check access logs, to wonder who sits beside them in those glass-walled offices.

European security experts believe the method is not new. Russia’s Federal Security Service, the FSB, works through influence rather than open recruitment. Former officials describe a slow approach — social gatherings, cultural forums, invitations to speak on “peace and dialogue.” One step at a time, contacts become friendships, and friendships become channels. Nothing dramatic, just steady pressure on the seams of trust that hold institutions together.

A senior intelligence analyst in Prague put it this way: “The Russians rarely need to steal secrets anymore. They only need to shape how we think.” That idea unsettles many inside the Parliament. Laws, votes, and foreign-policy positions can shift quietly if narratives are bent early enough. It is not about hacking computers but hacking confidence.

Still, even critics admit Europe’s political culture can make it easy. Openness is both virtue and weakness. MEPs meet lobbyists, academics, and journalists every day. Vetting everyone who enters the building is nearly impossible. As one Belgian investigator said, “If you shake a thousand hands a week, you will eventually shake one that works for somebody else.”

The larger concern goes beyond one alleged spy. It is about penetration — not only of intelligence services but of perception itself. Russian strategy often mixes real agents with political sympathizers, business networks, and online amplifiers. Together they create noise that confuses facts with opinions, until voters can no longer tell which is which.

Inside Moscow’s own Parliament, the State Duma, officials dismiss such claims as Western paranoia. Yet the same Kremlin that denies interference abroad keeps tight control over foreign NGOs and media at home. That contradiction tells its own story.

What happens next depends on whether Europe treats this as a criminal matter or a wake-up call. Criminal cases end with a verdict; wake-up calls demand reform — tighter background checks, better cyber hygiene, and above all, renewed political awareness.

Perhaps the deeper lesson is that democracy’s strength lies not in walls but in vigilance. Transparency invites light, but it also invites shadow. The challenge for Europe is to keep one without losing sight of the other.

Ukraine’s Courage Is Endless. Its Ammunition Isn’t.

Ukraine’s army has no shortage of courage. That much the world has seen. Soldiers who once worked in offices or drove taxis now crawl through mud under drone fire. They have held lines no one believed could be held. Kyiv still stands. Kharkiv was taken back. Kherson was liberated.

Courage is not in doubt. The question is how long they can carry on this war.

The Will Is There

For almost three years, Ukraine’s soldiers have fought a stronger enemy with smaller numbers. They have done it through grit, improvisation, and a sense that if they stop fighting, their country disappears. That kind of motivation does not fade easily. It comes from something deeper than orders or pay.

When Russian missiles hit apartment blocks in Dnipro or Odesa, new volunteers still show up. Families send food to the front. Mechanics turn pickup trucks into combat vehicles. Teachers, software engineers, and retired officers all keep the war effort alive.

Still, courage does not refill ammunition crates.

The Limits of Endurance

Ukraine’s defence now depends less on bravery and more on supply chains. Its artillery crews fire a fraction of the shells Russia does each day. Europe promised to deliver one million shells by this year. Only a third arrived. The United States delayed another major aid package for months while Congress argued.

Without foreign support, Ukraine’s economy cannot sustain the war. The country runs on Western financial help to pay salaries, repair power lines, and keep hospitals open. Each delay in Washington or Brussels ripples through every Ukrainian trench.

There is also the quiet fatigue of mobilization. Many of the early volunteers are wounded, exhausted, or gone. Recruiting new soldiers has become harder. The average age on the front line is now over forty. Courage ages too.

Russia’s Advantage

Russia’s economy has bent but not broken. Sanctions hurt, but Moscow adapted. Its weapons factories now run day and night. Oil still sells, often to Asian buyers. Russia can afford a long war. Ukraine cannot.

And so time itself has become a weapon. Each month that Western aid slows, the imbalance grows. Moscow knows this. It waits, betting that the world’s attention will shift elsewhere.

The Battle Beyond the Front

In a sense, Ukraine now fights two wars. One on the battlefield. The other in the halls of Western politics. If its supporters keep sending weapons and money, the army can keep fighting. If they waver, even the bravest soldier cannot stop a tank with empty hands.

This war has shown that courage alone cannot win modern battles. Steel, fuel, and logistics decide who endures. Yet courage is what has kept Ukraine alive long enough for the world to notice its struggle.

A Hard Truth

Ukraine’s army has no shortage of courage. What it lacks is time, and time costs money, shells, and attention. The world cannot applaud bravery while letting supplies run dry.

History rarely rewards the courageous who fight alone.

Still, as long as there are men and women in that army willing to stand in the cold and say “not yet,” Ukraine will keep fighting. But endurance is not infinite. And courage, however deep, cannot fill an empty magazine.

Why Success Abroad Isn’t “Slave Pride”: The Truth About Indian Talent and H-1B Migration

 

I read a comment that said, “They become CEOs because they’re obedient to their masters. It’s a servant culture. All this pride is just a slave’s pride.”

It made me stop. Not because it was new, but because it was familiar. I’ve heard versions of this before, sometimes whispered with jealousy, sometimes with anger. But always built on the same misunderstanding of what migration, success, and dignity really mean.

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The Stereotype of Obedience

There’s this idea that Indian or South Asian professionals rise in global corporations because they are obedient. As if success comes from quietly following orders rather than from thinking, solving, and leading.

But obedience doesn’t make anyone the head of a trillion-dollar company. It doesn’t rebuild Microsoft or steer Google through antitrust storms. People like Satya Nadella or Sundar Pichai didn’t get there because they bowed the deepest. They got there because they learned to lead across cultures, manage teams across time zones, and adapt when others hesitated.

Obedience might get you through middle management. Vision gets you to the top.

⚠️ Human angle: Think of a young engineer from Karachi or Bangalore, living in a small rented room, coding till midnight. He isn’t dreaming of “serving his masters.” He’s trying to send money home, finish his degree, maybe help his parents retire. That is not obedience. That is responsibility.

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The H-1B Story Isn’t About Servitude

Yes, the H-1B system has loopholes. Some companies have abused it. But to reduce an entire generation of workers to “servants” is lazy thinking.

People move toward opportunity. Europeans once crossed oceans to work in America. Americans still move to London, Dubai, or Singapore for better pay. It’s not shameful. It’s human. Migration has always been a story of survival and ambition.

You can criticize the system, but don’t insult the people who make it work.

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What Real Pride Looks Like

When someone from a modest family builds a career abroad, it’s not about worshiping others’ success. It’s about proving that effort can rewrite fate. What some call “slave pride” is often the quiet dignity of someone who sends money home, pays siblings’ school fees, or brings parents to live in comfort for the first time.

That’s not servitude. That’s gratitude.

And maybe the real pride isn’t in who you work for. It’s in what you build after you’ve learned enough to stand on your own.

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Closing thought
People who call ambition “slavery” often forget how hard it is to begin with nothing. Mobility isn’t weakness. It’s courage in motion. And courage, not obedience, is what really changes a life.

Europe Wants Its Gold Back — and Its Trust, Too

 

 It begins in silence, deep beneath the streets of Manhattan. Somewhere under the Federal Reserve, pallets of gold bars rest behind steel and stone, each one tagged with a foreign flag. For decades, they’ve been symbols of trust — the kind that doesn’t need words, only weight.

But trust, like currency, loses value when the world changes.

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The Quiet Repatriation

In recent years, Germany, the Netherlands, Austria, and even smaller economies such as Hungary and Belgium have requested the return of their national gold reserves from American and British vaults.

• Germany began moving 674 tonnes from New York and Paris in 2013, completing it ahead of schedule in 2017.

• The Netherlands repatriated over 120 tonnes from the U.S. in 2014.

• Austria and Poland followed, citing “geopolitical uncertainty.”

The official line is always the same: logistical convenience, public reassurance, strategic diversification. But between the lines, it reads like doubt.

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Trust Lost in Translation

The post-war world once trusted the U.S. dollar more than gold itself. After 1944, European nations happily stored their reserves in American vaults because Washington was the guarantor of stability.

Then came the cracks:

• The Nixon Shock of 1971, ending dollar-gold convertibility.

• The 2008 financial crisis, showing Western banks could collapse overnight.

• The weaponisation of the dollar through sanctions, which frightened even allies.

Today, the unease feels different — not panic, but fatigue. Allies no longer fear America’s collapse; they fear its unpredictability.

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The Message Under the Metal

When a government asks to bring home gold it has trusted abroad for seventy years, that is more than an accounting decision. It’s a political signal: We still believe in the alliance, but not unconditionally.

For Europe, this is about sovereignty. For Washington, it’s about reputation. If the “safest vault in the world” is being emptied, what does that say about faith in U.S. stewardship?

Economist Willem Middelkoop once called it “the slow de-Americanisation of trust.” Perhaps that’s too dramatic — or perhaps it isn’t.

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What Comes Next

Gold, once dismissed as archaic, is quietly back in diplomatic fashion. China and Russia buy it to resist sanctions; Europe reclaims it to reclaim control.

And while central banks talk about digital currencies and AI finance, the oldest form of money still carries the heaviest message: possession is confidence.

Maybe this isn’t about fear of theft or tungsten-filled bars at all. Maybe it’s about something subtler — a world where even friends want to hold their own proof of trust.

---

Closing Thought

Gold doesn’t argue, doesn’t promise, doesn’t default.
It simply waits — for whoever still believes in weight over words.

Pakistan’s 2025 Digital Law: Compatibility with Qur’an and Sunnah? Pakistan’s Constitution and Islamic Law: The Constitution of Pakistan (1973) embeds Islamic principles in its very foundation. The Objectives Resolution – made part of the Constitution’s preamble – declares that sovereignty belongs to Allah and that Muslims shall be enabled to live according to the teachings of the Qur’an and Sunnah. More concretely, Article 227 of the Constitution stipulates that all laws must conform to the injunctions of Islam and that *“no law shall be enacted which is repugnant to such injunctions”*. In practice, this means lawmakers are constitutionally bound to ensure new legislation does not contradict the Qur’an or the Sunnah (the teachings and practices of Prophet Muhammad). A Council of Islamic Ideology exists to advise on whether proposed laws align with Islamic injunctions, and a Federal Shariat Court can strike down laws found *“repugnant to the Injunctions of Islam”*. Any new law – including digital media laws – must pass this Islamic compatibility test in theory. The 2025 Digital Law (PECA Amendment): In January 2025, Pakistan’s parliament passed and President Asif Ali Zardari signed the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act, 2025 (PECA 2025) into law. This law amends the 2016 cybercrimes act, introducing sweeping new provisions to regulate online content. Notably, it criminalizes the dissemination of “fake or false” information online, with hefty penalties – up to three years imprisonment and Rs 2 million in fines for anyone who “intentionally spreads, displays, or transmits false information” that could cause “fear, panic, or unrest” in society. The amendment’s wording is broad and vaguely framed, as it does not precisely define what constitutes “fake” news. It also establishes new bodies, including a Social Media/Digital Protection Authority, empowered to remove or block online content deemed false, hateful, or *“against the ideology of Pakistan”*. The authority can require social media companies to register locally and comply with content removal orders. A special Social Media Protection Tribunal is set up to hear offenses, though critics note it is composed of government-appointed officials rather than independent judges. In essence, the 2025 PECA amendments significantly expand the government’s control over digital expression, ostensibly to curb misinformation and maintain public order. Journalists protest in Islamabad on January 28, 2025 against the PECA Amendment, calling it a “black law” that curbs freedom of speech. Many media organizations warned the law would be used to stifle dissent under the pretext of fighting “fake news.” Alignment with Qur’an and Sunnah – Supporting Arguments: On the face of it, the aims of the new digital law can be seen as consistent with certain Islamic principles. Islam strongly condemns lying, false testimony, and spreading unverified rumors that can harm others. The Qur’an explicitly instructs believers: *“O you who have believed, if a disobedient one comes to you with information, investigate, lest you harm a people out of ignorance and become regretful for what you have done”*. This verse (Qur’an 49:6) establishes the obligation to verify news and not spread misinformation. Likewise, a saying of the Prophet Muhammad warns that it is “enough falsehood for a person to repeat everything they hear”, cautioning against circulating unvetted information. From this perspective, a law that punishes the intentional spreading of falsehood and seeks to prevent public panic or disorder could be seen as upholding the Islamic ethic of truthfulness. Preventing societal turmoil caused by lies and rumors aligns with the Islamic injunction to “avoid and remove harm” from society. Moreover, Islam considers the protection of people’s honor and public order important; for example, slander and false accusations (especially false witness or accusing someone of a crime without proof) are regarded as grave sins in the Qur’an. Given these principles, one could argue that penalizing malicious disinformation – which can ruin reputations or incite harmful unrest – is not inherently un-Islamic. In fact, it serves a purpose (combatting deceit and fitna (chaos)) that Islamic law would conceptually support. The government has also framed the law as a way to uphold the “ideology of Pakistan”, which includes Islamic values, by blocking content that is anti-state or sacrilegious. Ensuring information integrity and social stability can thus be viewed as consistent with the maqāṣid al-sharī‘a (objectives of Islamic law), such as protection of honor, intellect, and public peace. Concerns over Compatibility – Dissenting View: Despite the above alignment, serious questions have been raised about the law’s compatibility with Islamic injunctions on justice and truth. Critics note that the vague definition of “false information” and the broad powers given to authorities could be misused to silence truthful criticism and dissent. Islamic teachings place great emphasis on justice, honest testimony, and speaking truth to those in power – even when it is difficult. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said, *“Speak the truth even if it is bitter.”* In Islam, enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong is a duty; this includes holding rulers and institutions accountable and conveying truth in the public interest. The Qur’an commands believers to stand firm for justice and truth, *“even though it be against yourselves or your kin”*, and not to mix truth with falsehood or conceal what is true. If the new law is applied in a way that suppresses truthful speech or whistle-blowing under the guise of combating “fake news,” it would conflict with these Islamic principles. For instance, labeling genuine criticism of government or exposure of corruption as “false information” (simply because it embarrasses authorities) would amount to concealing the truth and perpetuating injustice – clearly against the Qur’anic ethos. There is a well-known saying in Islamic tradition that “the best form of jihad is to speak a word of truth in front of an oppressive ruler.” If the PECA 2025 law were used to punish people for speaking out against wrongdoing in government or society, it would impede the Islamic duty of amr bil maʿruf (promoting right) and nahy ʿanil munkar (preventing wrong). Additionally, Islam requires due process and fairness in implementing punishments; laws must not be unjust or overly discretionary. The concern with PECA 2025 is that its overbroad criteria (e.g. content causing “unrest” or offending “ideology”) grant officials wide latitude to decide what speech is illegal. Such unchecked powers can lead to ẓulm (injustice), which Islam unequivocally forbids. Any punishment under Islamic law demands clear evidence and specific definitions of offenses – the Prophet himself warned against ambiguous Hudood punishments by saying to “avoid legal punishment in cases of doubt”. If the cybercrime law’s ambiguity leads to arbitrary or unjust repression, that aspect would be incompatible with Islamic concepts of justice. Constitutional Oversight and Current Status: It is important to note that, so far, no court or Islamic advisory body in Pakistan has officially struck down the PECA 2025 amendment on Islamic grounds. The law was primarily challenged by journalists and civil society on the basis of fundamental rights (freedom of expression) rather than an explicit Qur’an/Sunnah violation. The Council of Islamic Ideology was reportedly not consulted before passage. However, given the constitutional mandate, the law could be reviewed if a petition claimed it contravenes Islamic injunctions. Under Article 227 and related provisions, if any citizen or group believes a law is “repugnant to the Injunctions of Islam”, they may seek advice from the Council of Islamic Ideology or a ruling from the Shariat Court. For instance, a law that gagged legitimate truth-telling could be argued to violate Qur’anic commands of honesty and justice. Whether PECA 2025 crosses that line is debatable and would hinge on how it is enforced. Its text does not overtly mandate anything like forbidding prayer, usury, or other clear-cut haram acts; rather, the contention is about potential abuse of a generally permissible aim (curbing lies) to achieve impermissible ends (muzzling truth and dissent). The Pakistani government defended the amendment as targeting only “fake and false news” and not silencing true journalism. In theory, punishing falsehood and protecting the public from chaos is Sharia-compliant, but persecuting the innocent or truthful would violate Sharia. This fine line will likely determine the Islamic legitimacy of the law. Conclusion: Under Pakistan’s constitutional framework, no law can violate the Qur’an and Sunnah, and the new digital law must be measured against this standard. In principle, the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act 2025 does not obviously contradict any specific injunction of Islam – its stated intent to curb misinformation, slander, and societal discord can be seen as upholding Islamic values of truthfulness and public order. However, the implementation of this law is crucial. If applied narrowly and fairly to punish malicious liars who spread harmful falsehoods, it would likely be compatible with the Qur’an and Sunnah – since Islam has no tolerance for those who spread lies and harm the community. On the other hand, if the law’s ambiguous provisions are used to infringe on justice, suppress valid criticism, or conceal the truth, then it would contradict fundamental Islamic teachings that encourage honest counsel, accountability, and justice in governance. In short, there is nothing inherently un-Islamic about outlawing fake news, but injustice and oppression carried out in the name of this law would certainly be un-Islamic. As with any law in Pakistan, PECA 2025 remains subject to review under the Constitution’s Islamic clauses. Moving forward, it may require refinement (e.g. clearer definitions and safeguards against misuse) to fully satisfy both the constitutional requirement and the higher principles of Sharia. The balance between curbing falsehood and upholding truth/justice must be carefully maintained to ensure the law truly adheres to the spirit of the Qur’an and Sunnah, as mandated by Pakistan’s founders. Sources: Constitution of Pakistan 1973, Article 227 (Islamic Provisions) Dawn (Pakistani newspaper) – report on PECA Amendment 2025 passage and content Human Rights Watch – “Pakistan: Repeal Amendment to Draconian Cyber Law” (Feb 2025) Amnesty International – press release on PECA Amendment (Jan 2025) The Express Tribune – news report on President Zardari signing PECA 2025 and its provisions Reuters News – “Pakistani journalists rally against law regulating social media” (Jan 28, 2025) Yaqeen Institute – “Misinformation and Islamic Ethics” (2024) – discusses Islam’s stance on lying and verifying news Islamicity.org – “Speaking Truth to Power” – quotes Qur’an and Hadith on truth and justice.

 

Pakistan’s 2025 Digital Law: Compatibility with Qur’an and Sunnah?

Pakistan’s Constitution and Islamic Law: The Constitution of Pakistan (1973) embeds Islamic principles in its very foundation. The Objectives Resolution – made part of the Constitution’s preamble – declares that sovereignty belongs to Allah and that Muslims shall be enabled to live according to the teachings of the Qur’an and Sunnah. More concretely, Article 227 of the Constitution stipulates that all laws must conform to the injunctions of Islam and that *“no law shall be enacted which is repugnant to such injunctions”*. In practice, this means lawmakers are constitutionally bound to ensure new legislation does not contradict the Qur’an or the Sunnah (the teachings and practices of Prophet Muhammad). A Council of Islamic Ideology exists to advise on whether proposed laws align with Islamic injunctions, and a Federal Shariat Court can strike down laws found *“repugnant to the Injunctions of Islam”*. Any new law – including digital media laws – must pass this Islamic compatibility test in theory.

The 2025 Digital Law (PECA Amendment): In January 2025, Pakistan’s parliament passed and President Asif Ali Zardari signed the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act, 2025 (PECA 2025) into law. This law amends the 2016 cybercrimes act, introducing sweeping new provisions to regulate online content. Notably, it criminalizes the dissemination of “fake or false” information online, with hefty penalties – up to three years imprisonment and Rs 2 million in fines for anyone who “intentionally spreads, displays, or transmits false information” that could cause “fear, panic, or unrest” in society. The amendment’s wording is broad and vaguely framed, as it does not precisely define what constitutes “fake” news. It also establishes new bodies, including a Social Media/Digital Protection Authority, empowered to remove or block online content deemed false, hateful, or *“against the ideology of Pakistan”*. The authority can require social media companies to register locally and comply with content removal orders. A special Social Media Protection Tribunal is set up to hear offenses, though critics note it is composed of government-appointed officials rather than independent judges. In essence, the 2025 PECA amendments significantly expand the government’s control over digital expression, ostensibly to curb misinformation and maintain public order.

Journalists protest in Islamabad on January 28, 2025 against the PECA Amendment, calling it a “black law” that curbs freedom of speech. Many media organizations warned the law would be used to stifle dissent under the pretext of fighting “fake news.”

Alignment with Qur’an and Sunnah – Supporting Arguments: On the face of it, the aims of the new digital law can be seen as consistent with certain Islamic principles. Islam strongly condemns lying, false testimony, and spreading unverified rumors that can harm others. The Qur’an explicitly instructs believers: *“O you who have believed, if a disobedient one comes to you with information, investigate, lest you harm a people out of ignorance and become regretful for what you have done”*. This verse (Qur’an 49:6) establishes the obligation to verify news and not spread misinformation. Likewise, a saying of the Prophet Muhammad warns that it is “enough falsehood for a person to repeat everything they hear”, cautioning against circulating unvetted information. From this perspective, a law that punishes the intentional spreading of falsehood and seeks to prevent public panic or disorder could be seen as upholding the Islamic ethic of truthfulness. Preventing societal turmoil caused by lies and rumors aligns with the Islamic injunction to “avoid and remove harm” from society. Moreover, Islam considers the protection of people’s honor and public order important; for example, slander and false accusations (especially false witness or accusing someone of a crime without proof) are regarded as grave sins in the Qur’an. Given these principles, one could argue that penalizing malicious disinformation – which can ruin reputations or incite harmful unrest – is not inherently un-Islamic. In fact, it serves a purpose (combatting deceit and fitna (chaos)) that Islamic law would conceptually support. The government has also framed the law as a way to uphold the “ideology of Pakistan”, which includes Islamic values, by blocking content that is anti-state or sacrilegious. Ensuring information integrity and social stability can thus be viewed as consistent with the maqāṣid al-sharī‘a (objectives of Islamic law), such as protection of honor, intellect, and public peace.

Concerns over Compatibility – Dissenting View: Despite the above alignment, serious questions have been raised about the law’s compatibility with Islamic injunctions on justice and truth. Critics note that the vague definition of “false information” and the broad powers given to authorities could be misused to silence truthful criticism and dissent. Islamic teachings place great emphasis on justice, honest testimony, and speaking truth to those in power – even when it is difficult. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said, *“Speak the truth even if it is bitter.”* In Islam, enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong is a duty; this includes holding rulers and institutions accountable and conveying truth in the public interest. The Qur’an commands believers to stand firm for justice and truth, *“even though it be against yourselves or your kin”*, and not to mix truth with falsehood or conceal what is true. If the new law is applied in a way that suppresses truthful speech or whistle-blowing under the guise of combating “fake news,” it would conflict with these Islamic principles. For instance, labeling genuine criticism of government or exposure of corruption as “false information” (simply because it embarrasses authorities) would amount to concealing the truth and perpetuating injustice – clearly against the Qur’anic ethos. There is a well-known saying in Islamic tradition that “the best form of jihad is to speak a word of truth in front of an oppressive ruler.” If the PECA 2025 law were used to punish people for speaking out against wrongdoing in government or society, it would impede the Islamic duty of amr bil maʿruf (promoting right) and nahy ʿanil munkar (preventing wrong). Additionally, Islam requires due process and fairness in implementing punishments; laws must not be unjust or overly discretionary. The concern with PECA 2025 is that its overbroad criteria (e.g. content causing “unrest” or offending “ideology”) grant officials wide latitude to decide what speech is illegal. Such unchecked powers can lead to ẓulm (injustice), which Islam unequivocally forbids. Any punishment under Islamic law demands clear evidence and specific definitions of offenses – the Prophet himself warned against ambiguous Hudood punishments by saying to “avoid legal punishment in cases of doubt”. If the cybercrime law’s ambiguity leads to arbitrary or unjust repression, that aspect would be incompatible with Islamic concepts of justice.

Constitutional Oversight and Current Status: It is important to note that, so far, no court or Islamic advisory body in Pakistan has officially struck down the PECA 2025 amendment on Islamic grounds. The law was primarily challenged by journalists and civil society on the basis of fundamental rights (freedom of expression) rather than an explicit Qur’an/Sunnah violation. The Council of Islamic Ideology was reportedly not consulted before passage. However, given the constitutional mandate, the law could be reviewed if a petition claimed it contravenes Islamic injunctions. Under Article 227 and related provisions, if any citizen or group believes a law is “repugnant to the Injunctions of Islam”, they may seek advice from the Council of Islamic Ideology or a ruling from the Shariat Court. For instance, a law that gagged legitimate truth-telling could be argued to violate Qur’anic commands of honesty and justice. Whether PECA 2025 crosses that line is debatable and would hinge on how it is enforced. Its text does not overtly mandate anything like forbidding prayer, usury, or other clear-cut haram acts; rather, the contention is about potential abuse of a generally permissible aim (curbing lies) to achieve impermissible ends (muzzling truth and dissent). The Pakistani government defended the amendment as targeting only “fake and false news” and not silencing true journalism. In theory, punishing falsehood and protecting the public from chaos is Sharia-compliant, but persecuting the innocent or truthful would violate Sharia. This fine line will likely determine the Islamic legitimacy of the law.

Conclusion: Under Pakistan’s constitutional framework, no law can violate the Qur’an and Sunnah, and the new digital law must be measured against this standard. In principle, the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act 2025 does not obviously contradict any specific injunction of Islam – its stated intent to curb misinformation, slander, and societal discord can be seen as upholding Islamic values of truthfulness and public order. However, the implementation of this law is crucial. If applied narrowly and fairly to punish malicious liars who spread harmful falsehoods, it would likely be compatible with the Qur’an and Sunnah – since Islam has no tolerance for those who spread lies and harm the community. On the other hand, if the law’s ambiguous provisions are used to infringe on justice, suppress valid criticism, or conceal the truth, then it would contradict fundamental Islamic teachings that encourage honest counsel, accountability, and justice in governance. In short, there is nothing inherently un-Islamic about outlawing fake news, but injustice and oppression carried out in the name of this law would certainly be un-Islamic. As with any law in Pakistan, PECA 2025 remains subject to review under the Constitution’s Islamic clauses. Moving forward, it may require refinement (e.g. clearer definitions and safeguards against misuse) to fully satisfy both the constitutional requirement and the higher principles of Sharia. The balance between curbing falsehood and upholding truth/justice must be carefully maintained to ensure the law truly adheres to the spirit of the Qur’an and Sunnah, as mandated by Pakistan’s founders.

Sources:

• Constitution of Pakistan 1973, Article 227 (Islamic Provisions)
• Dawn (Pakistani newspaper) – report on PECA Amendment 2025 passage and content
• Human Rights Watch – “Pakistan: Repeal Amendment to Draconian Cyber Law” (Feb 2025)
• Amnesty International – press release on PECA Amendment (Jan 2025)
• The Express Tribune – news report on President Zardari signing PECA 2025 and its provisions
• Reuters News – “Pakistani journalists rally against law regulating social media” (Jan 28, 2025)
• Yaqeen Institute – “Misinformation and Islamic Ethics” (2024) – discusses Islam’s stance on lying and verifying news
• Islamicity.org – “Speaking Truth to Power” – quotes Qur’an and Hadith on truth and justice.