Showing posts with label Occupation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Occupation. Show all posts

When Borders Blur: The Vision of Greater Israel and What It Means for the Region


Israel’s ever-shifting borders reveal a deeper logic: the idea of Greater Israel. Drawing on historical Zionism, modern settlement policy and Islamic-prophetic interpretations advanced by Dr Israr Ahmed, this blog unpacks what lies ahead for Palestinians and the wider Middle East.


Introduction

Did you know that Israel has never fully defined its borders? Most nations show on official maps exactly where their sovereignty begins and ends—but Israel does not. Its borders with Egypt and Jordan were first drawn as armistice lines after the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, later formalised through peace treaties in 1979 and 1994. But its boundaries with Lebanon, Syria, Gaza, and the West Bank remain vague or unrecognised. Even within Israel itself, there is no official map showing clearly agreed national boundaries.

This ambiguity is not accidental. As long as Israel’s borders aren’t set in stone, they can continue to shift. This is the story of a borderless project—the Zionist vision of Greater Israel—and what it means not just for Palestinians, but for the entire region.


1. The Origins of the Idea

For more than a century, Zionist leaders have pressed for the establishment of a Jewish state that stretches far beyond the territory Israel controls today. In the late 1800s, early Zionist thinkers debated bold visions for a homeland.

  • Theodor Herzl, the Austrian-Hungarian founder of modern Zionism, imagined borders stretching from the Euphrates in Iraq to the Nile in Egypt.

  • Zeev Jabotinsky, a Russian-born ideologue tied to the Likud tradition, foresaw Israeli sovereignty on both sides of the Jordan River.

In 1947, Zionist leaders accepted the UN partition plan that proposed two states—one Palestinian, one Jewish—but this was a tactical move. David Ben‑Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister, emphasised that this was only a first step toward achieving control over all of what he envisioned as Greater Israel. His strategy: secure international recognition for part of the land, then build military strength to take the rest. And that is precisely what unfolded.


2. Expansion Through War and Facts on the Ground

In 1948, Israel expanded far beyond the UN partition lines during the Nakba: Zionist militias expelled over 750,000 Palestinians and destroyed or depopulated more than 400 villages.
In 1967, Israel seized the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan Heights, and the Sinai Peninsula. While it later returned the Sinai to Egypt after the 1973 war, the other territories remained under its control.

Since then, expansion has continued—not always through open war, but through “facts on the ground”: settlements, outposts, military zones across the West Bank that are illegal under international law but practically irreversible. The number of Israeli settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem has grown from a few thousand in 1967 to more than 800,000 today—and the past year marked the largest expansion yet.


3. From Fringe Vision to State Policy

For a long period, despite gradual expansion, most Israeli leaders publicly distanced themselves from the explicitly “Greater Israel” formula—so as not to provoke neighbouring Arab states with whom they sought normalization. But radical settler groups such as Gush Emunim (founded in the 1970s) never abandoned the vision—they tied settlement expansion to religious destiny.

Today, Israel’s government is widely considered the furthest-right in its history. Extremist ministers such as Itamar Ben‑Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich have placed territorial expansion at the heart of their platforms. Even Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has recently embraced the idea of his generation carrying forward a “historic and spiritual mission”. This alignment of ideology and state power means the idea of Greater Israel is no longer a fringe fantasy—it is entering the mainstream.


4. Dr Israr Ahmed’s Prophetic View

Dr Israr Ahmed, a prominent Pakistani Islamic scholar, offered a distinct angle rooted in Islamic eschatology: he argued that the pattern of expansion and control he observed in Israel corresponds with Hadith-predictions about the end-times.

  • He links the movement of certain territories and their removal from Muslim hands to the narrative in Hadiths where specific lands will be reclaimed or lost in the lead-up to final days. (See his speeches “Greater Israel, The Jewish Plan for the Middle East!” and “The Greater Israel Plan? Pakistan’s Role”.) YouTube+3SoundCloud+3YouTube+3

  • According to him, the ambiguous borders of Israel and its ability to redefine territorial control are signs of a bigger prophetic arc still unfolding.

  • He warns that the Muslim world’s inaction in the face of settlement, occupation and expansion plays into this larger script of transition and transformation.

  • For example, one lecture mentions: “All these countries are present in the Hadith that they will get out of the hands of the Muslims, whom the Jews include in Greater Israel, Syria…” facebook.com

While his reading is interpretative rather than universally accepted in the Islamic tradition, it offers a deeply felt lens from which many in South Asia apprehend the geopolitical shifts in Israel-Palestine.


5. Consequences and the Road Ahead

This convergence of ideology, strategy, and prophecy has real-world implications:

  • Israeli soldiers have been photographed wearing “Greater Israel” patches in the war in Gaza.

  • Senior Israeli politicians have publicly called for the removal of Gaza’s population and replacement with settlers.

  • Some voices even invoke Nazi-Germany’s Lebensraum doctrine—“living space”—to justify expansion into southern Lebanon and Syria.

  • In the West Bank, new settlement approvals are designed to cut the territory into non-contiguous fragments—effectively ruling out a viable future Palestinian state.

  • Because Israel never formally defined its borders, every war, land-grab or bombing has the potential to redraw control — each “fact on the ground” inches Israel closer to turning Greater Israel from ideological ambition into reality.

  • And every time the global community averts its gaze, permits violations, or fails to enforce international law, Israel’s leadership becomes more emboldened. History shows expansionist powers won’t stop unless compelled to.


6. Personal Reflection (Karachi-Voice)

Living in Karachi, hearing about these distant border shifts, it’s easy to feel removed—yet the ripples come our way too. The silence in global fora, the recalibrated alliances in the Gulf, the changing map of refugees and migration—all tie into this story of un-defined borders and expansive ambition. If peaceful borders are the foundation for sovereign states, then ambiguous borders are the foundation for ongoing conflict.

As a writer rooted in South Asia, I notice the same logic re-emerging in other contested zones: ambiguity, power-vacuum, incremental fact-making, and the silence that lets big ideas sneak into policy. The Gaza war is not just a local demand; it is being shaped by a vision of statehood, land, prophecy, and rhythm of history.


7. Call to Action

  • Map-makers, policymakers and global institutions: ask who draws the lines when lines don’t exist?

  • For Muslim thinkers and South Asian intellectuals: consider how prophetic readings like Dr Israr’s shape popular awareness and policy engagement.

  • For civil society and global media: pay attention to “facts on the ground”, not just the cease-fires—because they prefigure the next map.

  • And for readers: when borders blur, ask whose vision is being made real, and what human cost lies behind the lines we don’t see.

A Land Divided, A Hope Denied: The Two-State Illusion and the Stubborn Weight of History

A land that resists exile

France will recognize Palestine in September. The UK may follow. And Israel, as always, stands defiant. Not just against its enemies, but now against its own allies. It refused to send a delegate to the two-state summit in New York. Said it would play into Hamas’s hands.



But what are the alternatives? Antonio Guterres asked the question that too many leaders duck.

“A one-state reality where Palestinians are denied equal rights and forced to live under perpetual occupation and inequality? Or a one-state reality where Palestinians are expelled from their land? That is not peace.”

There it is. The silence between recognition and rockets. Between the rubble of Gaza and the marble floors of diplomacy. Between a people longing for sovereignty, and a state that insists security means domination.

Gaza has seen conquerors come and go

Oliver McTernan knows this terrain better than most. As a mediator with Forward Thinking, he's spent decades listening to both sides. What he said was sobering.

“Alexander the Great occupied Gaza for three years. Then he gave up. Napoleon lasted two weeks. The one thing about the people of Gaza—they are resilient. They love their land. And they will not leave it.”

That’s not strategy. That’s identity.
That’s not a political position. That’s home.

McTernan recalled a conversation with a senior Palestinian official in Ramallah. A man who, even at the highest levels of government, had never been to Jerusalem. Not once in his life. That is the invisible border of occupation. Not just physical, but psychological. A generation raised behind concrete and checkpoints, forbidden from their own holy city.

A history forgotten, a future denied

What if the real problem is forgetfulness? McTernan thinks many decision-makers are treating this as if history began on October 7. But Gaza is not a blank slate. The occupation didn’t start with Hamas. The pain did not begin with the latest war.

“We’ve had 80 years of a cycle of violence. Nine wars since Israel’s founding. Six major peace conferences. None have delivered.”

He’s not wrong. The two-state solution feels more like a prayer than a plan. But he still believes it’s the only democratic path left. Not through negotiations, but through pressure.

“The international community must say it plainly: the occupation has to end. Israel must recognize a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders.”

It sounds simple. It is not.

Rabbis, resistance, and the soul of Israel

Despite the gloom, McTernan sees glimmers of hope in unlikely places. Senior rabbis, some from the Orthodox tradition, are quietly advocating for coexistence. They invoke the teachings of Maimonides, who believed the Messiah would return only when Jews, Christians, and Muslims shared the land in peace.

“They believe the future may begin with two states, but could one day become a confederation.”

Do they have political power? Not enough yet. But in Israel, faith still shapes politics. If these rabbis can reach their communities, things could change.

Meanwhile, other rabbis—aligned with extremist politicians—push in the opposite direction. It’s a tug-of-war between the soul of Judaism and the machinery of nationalism.

On the Palestinian side, a missed chance

McTernan also spoke about what could have been. A European-backed project once brought together Palestinian politicians, businessmen, and students to map their shared aspirations. Despite factionalism, they agreed on one thing:

“Ninety percent of their suffering is rooted in occupation.”

And yet, the world squandered a critical moment. In 2006, when elections brought Hamas to power, the international community recoiled. Instead of engaging a nascent democratic experiment, they punished it.

“Had we supported the outcome of that election, we might not be facing the catastrophe we are witnessing in Gaza today.”

That line stays with you. It stings because it’s not hypothetical. It happened. A door was open, and we slammed it shut.

Conclusion: Not everything broken stays broken

We are told over and over that Israelis and Palestinians cannot live together. That hate is too deep, wounds too old. But who decided that? Who profits from that despair?

“Things don’t have to be the way they are today,” McTernan said. “This idea that they can’t live together must be challenged—and it can be.”

Maybe it’s not peace that’s impossible. Maybe it’s imagination that’s missing.

Key Quotes from the Interview:

  • Antonio Guterres: “There is no security in occupation.”

  • Oliver McTernan: “The people of Gaza are extraordinarily resilient. They love their land. And they will not leave it.”

  • On failed negotiations: “Six peace conferences in 80 years—and still, nothing has delivered.”

  • On religious leaders: “Senior rabbis believe Muslims, Christians, and Jews can share the land. It’s a theological foundation for peace.”

  • On 2006 elections: “If we had supported that democratic result, Gaza might look very different today.”

The EU Pays for Aid—And Profits from Occupation

The trucks that bring food into Gaza?
They’re often funded by the European Union.

The drones that hover overhead?
Built in Israel—with parts and funding from EU-linked research programs.

Welcome to Europe’s two-faced policy on Palestine—where Brussels donates millions in humanitarian aid, while quietly enabling the very system that makes that aid necessary.


The Aid Paradox No One Wants to Talk About

For decades, the EU has been the largest donor to the Palestinians. It’s poured billions into UNRWA, emergency relief, schools, and medical supplies. The talking point is clear: We support peace. We support the people.

But behind that humanitarian mask is a deeper economic entanglement.

The EU-Israel Association Agreement—signed in 2000—is still active.
It underpins:

Bilateral trade worth over €40 billion

Access to EU research funds like Horizon Europe

Lowered tariffs on Israeli goods—including those produced in occupied territories


> “It’s a system where the EU funds the ambulance, but also sells parts to the bulldozer,” said one rights activist in Brussels.



The contradiction isn’t just ironic. It’s structural.



The Trade That Fuels Impunity

Many of Israel’s major military and surveillance companies participate in EU-funded research consortia. These include:

Elbit Systems, a major arms manufacturer blacklisted by Norway and others—but still eligible for EU projects.

Israel Aerospace Industries, which supplies drones used in Gaza.

Tech startups working on AI and crowd-control, tested in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank.


Some of these firms operate—or source from—settlements that the EU officially considers illegal.

So why are they allowed to export into Europe under favorable conditions? Why are they invited into scientific and technological partnerships?

> “There’s no mechanism in place to enforce the EU’s own red lines,” said a former European diplomat. “Because the political will isn’t there.”





Follow the Money, Ignore the Occupation

In 2023 alone:

The EU gave €300 million in aid to Palestinian territories.

At the same time, over €40 billion in goods and services flowed between Israel and the EU.


So for every euro spent on relief, over 100 euros moved through business-as-usual trade.

And it’s not just goods. It’s:

Weapons components

Policing software

Agricultural imports from occupied land

Tourism promotion linked to Israeli ministries


The EU knows this. Reports have documented it for years. But enforcement? Nonexistent.



Humanitarianism Without Justice Is Just Maintenance

Here’s the uncomfortable truth:
The EU is not just a bystander to the occupation—it’s a stakeholder.

By refusing to suspend its trade agreement, by continuing to fund Israeli firms implicated in rights abuses, and by failing to block exports from settlements, the EU is not neutral.

It’s subsidizing a cycle:

Destruction

Humanitarian aid

Reconstruction

Repeat


> “Aid without political accountability is just outsourcing guilt,” said an Irish MEP.



And Gaza’s people are the ones paying the price.

Sofia Mawdudi and the Mirage of Hereditary Guilt

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